Since the return of democracy in1999,
all the transitions in 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015 had seen the emergence
of some godfathers who either dismantle those already calling the shots,
or fiercely competed with them. Evidently, 2019 is not an exception, as
brand-new shot-callers are emerging.
Before the advent of the
Fourth Republic, there were very few political godfathers because of
long period of military incursion in Nigeria’s political firmament. And
in the build-up to the return of democracy in 1999 following the death
of General Sani Abacha in 1998, General Abdulsalami Abubakar who
succeeded him initiated the transition that led to the release of some
political prisoners. They included General Olusegun Obasanjo, who rode
on the influence of generals Ibrahim Babangida and T.Y Danjuma, in
addition to other powerful Second and Third Republic politicians to give
birth to a comity of godfathers that saw the realization of the 1999
transition.
Within the time under review, the likes of
Obasanjo, Chief Olu Falae, Atiku Abubakar, Bola Tinubu, Goodluck
Jonathan, Danjuma Goje, Ahmed Yerima, George Akume, David Mark, Bukola
Saraki, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Abdullahi Adamu, Obong Victor Attah and a host
of others called the shots in their climes, making decisions as to who
gets what, where and even when. However, nearly 20 years down the line,
the trend has continued with some politicians succeeding in taking over
entire party structures in their states, even succeeding in anointing
key candidates ahead of the 2019 elections.
Akpabio:
After
forcing his political godfather, Obong Victor Attah into retirement,
Senator Godswill Akpabio, fondly called ‘Uncommon Senator’ has been in
charge of the political machinery of Akwa Ibom State since his early
days as governor in 2007. The 56-year-old lawyer was brought into the
political scene of the oil-rich state in 2002 when Victor Attah, the
then governor of the state appointed him as the Commissioner for
Petroleum and Natural Resources.
As the tenure of Attah was
elapsing, Akpabio dribbled his way to emerge as the candidate of the
Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2006 and won the 2007 governorship
election in the state. In 2011, he won his second term and completed his
tenure in 2015. Singlehandedly, he brought in his successor at the Akwa
Ibom State Government House in the person of Udom Gabriel Emmanuel in
2015. But despite their long journey in the slippery political pathway,
something went wrong midway and they are no longer on the same page
politically.
In August this year, Akpabio, who represents the
Akwa Ibom North West Senatorial district dumped the PDP and resigned as
the Minority Leader of the Senate, a position he occupied for 26 months.
The rally to welcome him to the APC which was held at the Ikot Ekpene
Township Stadium in his home state was attended by a veritable who’s who
of the APC, including the leader of the party, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed
Tinubu and National Chairman, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole.
With the
APC structure in his palms, Akpabio anointed Nsima Udo Ekere, the
current MD/CEO of the Niger Delta Development Commission as the
governorship candidate of the party for next year’s election. If Ekere
defeats Emmanuel then, Akpabio will consolidate his hold on the state.
However, if he fails, he would most likely join the league of Rochas
Okorocha (Imo), Abdulaziz Yari (Zamfara) and Abiodun Amosun (Ogun) who
would have joined the crop of emerging godfathers had they succeeded in
clinching seats for their candidates in their states.
Amaechi
The
claim that ex-Rivers State governor and Minister of Transportation,
Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi is an emerging Godfather of the APC in Rivers
State is not far-fetched. His emergence came to the limelight in 2015
when he singlehandedly installed the MD of NIMASA, Dr. Dakuku Peterside,
as the governorship flag-bearer of APC against the wishes of the likes
of Senator Magnus Abe who was thought to be more qualified to fly the
party’s flag in 2015.
The issue of who flies the party’s
gubernatorial flag in 2015 would have caused a big crisis in the party,
but Amaechi had his way as he succeeded in installing his preferred
candidate.
When Peterside was defeated by Governor Wike in that
election, Amaechi still confirmed his dominance, as he used his
influence in the presidency to make Peterside MD of Nigerian Maritime
Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA).
Other APC members in
the state who are loyal to him were compensated with juicy jobs in
Federal Government parastatals and boards of federal government
agencies. He also nominated and ensured that some of his party loyalists
got both state and national assembly positions.
Amaechi’s clout
also played out in May during the APC ward congresses, as he schemed out
Senator Magnus Abe’s supporters from the congresses and eventually
succeeded in installing the Flag Ojukaye Amachree-led state chapter of
APC. As if that was not enough, he against the wishes of the major
stakeholders of the party in the state nominated and installed his
closest ally, Arch. Tonye Dele Cole as the party’s governorship
flagbearer for the 2019 election. The emergence of Cole has become a
litigation matter between him and Senator Abe just as the Supreme Court
granted Abe’s prayer and upheld the State High Court’s verdict that
nullified the May ward congresses conducted in the state. This, however,
did not change anything on the nomination of Cole as even the
leadership of the APC at the national level maintains the status quo.
Amaechi
also singlehandedly nominated and installed the party’s senatorial
candidates in the three senatorial districts as well as the eight House
of Reps slots in the state.
Dankwambo
Prior to his
election as Gombe State governor in 2011, Ibrahim Hassan Dankwambo was
better-known as a technocrat. He was serving as Accountant General of
the Federation when then-governor Danjuma Goje persuaded him to resign
and contest for the office of the governor, which he eventually won.
Even
though certain people allege that it was strictly a business affair
between the two, some political observers in the state said being a
novice in politics, Goje handpicked Dankwambo to succeed him under the
intention that he (Goje) would continue to run the state by proxy from
Abuja. However, not long after he took over power, Dankwambo started
distancing himself from Goje and allegedly orchestrated petitions that
started Goje’s ordeal with the EFCC.
The sour relationship
between the erstwhile godfather and godson is believed to have nudged
Goje out of the PDP in 2014, to the then newly-registered APC. Despite
the falling out, Dankwambo survived the 2015 ‘political tsunami’ that
saw APC taking over PDP-controlled states in the north.
Pundits
say Dankwambo’s political credentials have made him a sort of ‘political
compass’ who now decides who gets what in Gombe State, especially
within PDP circles. For instance, despite stiff opposition and protest
from executive and leaders of the party, he singlehandedly handed over
the PDP gubernatorial ticket to his anointed candidate, Senator Usman
Bayero Nafada.
Dankwambo also nominated two senatorial, six
House of Reps, and 24 State House of Assembly candidates. He also
reserved a senatorial seat for Gombe-North to himself, which he later
picked after he lost PDP’s presidential primaries.
Oshiomhole
Edo
State has a history of strong godfathers, being where late Chief Tony
Anenih and former governor Lucky Igbinedion, among others, held sway.
Now, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, APC’s National Chairman is a major
godfather. After consolidating his gains as a sitting governor, he
started dictating the pace in the polity on who gets elective or
appointive positions in the state.
Pundits said Oshiomhole’s
godfather status became glaring during his re-election in which almost
all the APC House of Assembly members were hand-picked by him without
input from party chieftains. It is said he singlehandedly picked
Governor Godwin Obaseki who was the chairman of his Economic Team.
At
present, Oshiomhole has a firm grip on the state. His strength played
out during the recent national and state assembly primary elections,
even though with some resistance. One of his staunch loyalists, the
Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Kabir Adjoto had taken the APC
and by extension Oshiomhole to Court for allegedly hand picking Hon.
Peter Akpatason as the House of Representative candidate.
The APC
women wing led by Aisosa Amadasun had also decried that Oshiomhole’s
godfather status was beyond comprehension, saying he who once prided
himself as “an apostle of positive change and the curative medicine to
godfatherism” is overstretching his boundaries.
Gaidam
Alhaji
Ibrahim Gaidam, who served as deputy governor to late Governor Mamman
Ali before destiny saw him occupy the Government House after the demise
of his boss, is now the de facto landlord in Yobe.
Gaidam, who is
about completing ten years in office as governor, was able to establish
a political structure that helped him win two successive general
elections in 2011 and 2015, addition to the tenure of his late boss
which he completed in 2011. He has successfully tested his political
strength by having a say in almost all those who secured tickets for
various offices.
Besides succeeding in forcing the PDP into
political oblivion, Gaidam was able to keep Yobe off the radar of
intra-party acrimony, despite the fact that there were grumblings here
and there over some of his actions or inaction. However, many analyst
have expressed optimism that the governor’s influence would last longer
if he allows the incoming administration to have a free hand.
Makarfi
Since
he left the Kaduna Government House in 2007, Senator Mohammed Ahmed
Makarfi has become a rallying point for many politicians in the state.
For some time, his support is what counts for a candidate to win an
election. He supported Namadi Sambo to succeed him as governor, and he
himself won election to the Senate.
The selection of Sambo as
Vice President to President Goodluck Jonathan did little to affect his
influence though for a while, Sambo started calling the shots but
immediately the Jonathan presidency came to an end, focus shifted back
to Makarfi.
Makarfi gained political weight through a combination
of record of achievements as governor, a sense of fairness as a leader
and by remaining committed to his party, the PDP. His contribution
towards rebuilding the PDP which had after the 2015 elections become
desolate as it was deserted by notable politicians in the state restored
confidence in him.
Makarfi is probably the only politician
in Kaduna who can boast of having influence in more than a senatorial
zone in the state and politicians know that this in terms of votes is
massive. Many aspiring politicians run to him for support, and since he
is seen as a fair-minded leader, his words are usually final in settling
political disputes.
Though he came out to deny that he was
supporting any aspirant during the 2018 PDP governorship primary, it is
believed that Isa Ashiru won the ticket of the party largely because of
Makarfi’s support. Due largely to his influence, the PDP in Kaduna has
been able to weather many storms and has got over its image as a weak
and deserted conclave, to a strong party that has regained its verve,
looking good enough to challenge the ruling party at the next polls.
Al-Makura
Governor
Umaru Tanko Al-Makura of Nasarawa State clashed with ex-governor
Abdullahi Adamu over who is the actual political godfather in the state.
Though the final winner will only be known after the 2019 general
elections, Al-Makura had successfully installed his cronies to various
positions during the recent APC congresses, including the gubernatorial,
national and state assembly election candidates. He even made attempt
to snatch the senatorial seat currently occupied by Senator Adamu but
did not succeed.
Although godfatherism is not common in Nasarawa
because of the nature and intrigues occasioned by tribal sentiments,
Al-Makura as the party leader in the state has succeeded in dictating
the direction this time around even though this will only be validated
if the PDP does not make inroads.
The governor’s decision using
state government machinery and leadership of the party had given the
gubernatorial ticket to Engineer Abdullahi Adamu Sule, a move that
sparked tension among critical stakeholders.
Al-Makura had also
succeeded in dethroning eight serving APC members of the State House of
Assembly whose loyalty was said to be in question.
Shettima
In
Borno State, Governor Kashim Shettima has succeeded in demystifying his
onetime godfather, ex-governor Ali Modu Sheriff who had reigned as the
most powerful politician in the North Eastern State until recently.
Shettima has also humbled many politicians in the state, including
former ministers, ambassadors and many others with high profile
influence in the corridors of power in Abuja.
Shettima succeeded
in the last APC primaries to have his candidate Prof. Babagana Zulum as
the gubernatorial candidate of the APC; he picked the APC senatorial
ticket for Borno Central and ensured that Senator Abubakar Kyari and Ali
Ndume picked theirs, as well as being instrumental to the emergence of
all the House of Reps and State Assembly candidates.
The fact that Shettima has succeeded in taming Sheriff is seen as a feat.
Sheriff
had against all odds in 2003 forced a serving governor, Mala Kachallah,
who was completing his first term to dump the then All Peoples Party
(APP) for Alliance for Democracy (AD).
Sheriff, who took over the
APP machinery secured its ticket, defeated Kachallah in the main
election and won. He secured re-election in 2007 becoming the first
governor to serve two terms in Borno. In 2011, he made Kashim Shettima
governor but they soon parted ways. For now, it is clear that Shettima
is the main man in Borno.
Wamakko
There is no doubt that
ex-governor of Sokoto State, Senator Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko, has not
only remained relevant in Sokoto politics, but is also a determining
factor in who becomes what in the state.
Pundits believe that
Wamakko will always have an edge over his opponents because of his
knowledge about local politics. “He calls people by their names, and he
is courteous, which people appreciate,” one of his associates said,
saying this has endeared him to many.
Wamakko was instrumental to
the emergence of Aminu Tambuwal as governor, and although they played
hide-and-seek for long, it is now obvious that they have parted ways.
It
would be recalled that after Tambuwal’s defection, Wamakko while
reacting to the incidence said, “We will know who is in charge in
Sokoto State.” He kept the date by returning to Sokoto and the reception
he received indicated that he still retains his massive popular appeal
as people lined by the over 11 kilometres airport road to receive him.
While
Wamakko would need a godson to sustain his political dominance, the
general question being asked in the state is whether he has found one in
Ahmed Aliyu, the APC gubernatorial candidate in the state who is still
serving as deputy to Tambuwal.
Ahmed has so far garnered
considerable experience in public office after serving and Commissioner
for Social Welfare in 2007, Commissioner of Health in 2012 and Deputy
Governor for over three years.
With the countdown to the 2019 elections inching on, it remains to be seen if these godfathers’ influence will wax, or wane.
